Sunday, April 26, 2020



Is Our Fight Against Coronavirus Worse Than the Disease?

There may be more targeted ways to beat the pandemic.
Dr. Katz is president of True Health Initiative and the founding director of the Yale-Griffin Prevention Research Center.

Credit...David Ryder/Reuters

We routinely differentiate between two kinds of military action: the inevitable carnage and collateral damage of diffuse hostilities, and the precision of a “surgical strike,” methodically targeted to the sources of our particular peril. The latter, when executed well, minimizes resources and unintended consequences alike.

As we battle the coronavirus pandemic, and heads of state declare that we are “at war” with this contagion, the same dichotomy applies. This can be open war, with all the fallout that portends, or it could be something more surgical. The United States and much of the world so far have gone in for the former. I write now with a sense of urgency to make sure we consider the surgical approach, while there is still time.

Outbreaks tend to be isolated when pathogens move through water or food, and of greater scope when they travel by widespread vectors like fleas, mosquitoes or the air itself. Like the coronavirus pandemic, the infamous flu pandemic of 1918 was caused by viral particles transmitted by coughing and sneezing. Pandemics occur when an entire population is vulnerable — that is, not immune — to a given pathogen capable of efficiently spreading itself.

Immunity occurs when our immune system has developed antibodies against a germ, either naturally or as a result of a vaccine, and is fully prepared should exposure recur. The immune system response is so robust that the invading germ is eradicated before symptomatic disease can develop.

Importantly, that robust immune response also prevents transmission. If a germ can’t secure its hold on your body, your body no longer serves as a vector to send it forward to the next potential host. This is true even if that next person is not yet immune. When enough of us represent such “dead ends” for viral transmission, spread through the population is blunted, and eventually terminated. This is called herd immunity.

What we know so far about the coronavirus makes it a unique case for the potential application of a “herd immunity” approach, a strategy viewed as a desirable side effect in the Netherlands, and briefly considered in the United Kingdom.

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The data from South Korea, where tracking the coronavirus has been by far the best to date, indicate that as much as 99 percent of active cases in the general population are “mild” and do not require specific medical treatment. The small percentage of cases that do require such services are highly concentrated among those age 60 and older, and further so the older people are. Other things being equal, those over age 70 appear at three times the mortality risk as those age 60 to 69, and those over age 80 at nearly twice the mortality risk of those age 70 to 79.

These conclusions are corroborated by the data from Wuhan, China, which show a higher death rate, but an almost identical distribution. The higher death rate in China may be real, but is perhaps a result of less widespread testing. South Korea promptly, and uniquely, started testing the apparently healthy population at large, finding the mild and asymptomatic cases of Covid-19 other countries are overlooking. The experience of the Diamond Princess cruise ship, which houses a contained, older population, proves the point. The death rate among that insular and uniformly exposed population is roughly 1 percent.

We have, to date, fewer than 200 deaths from the coronavirus in the United States — a small data set from which to draw big conclusions. Still, it is entirely aligned with the data from other countries. The deaths have been mainly clustered among the elderly, those with significant chronic illnesses such as diabetes and heart disease, and those in both groups.

This is not true of infectious scourges such as influenza. The flu hits the elderly and chronically ill hard, too, but it also kills children. Trying to create herd immunity among those most likely to recover from infection while also isolating the young and the old is daunting, to say the least. How does one allow exposure and immunity to develop in parents, without exposing their young children?

The clustering of complications and death from Covid-19 among the elderly and chronically ill, but not children (there have been only very rare deaths in children), suggests that we could achieve the crucial goals of social distancing — saving lives and not overwhelming our medical system — by preferentially protecting the medically frail and those over age 60, and in particular those over 70 and 80, from exposure.

Why does this matter?
I am deeply concerned that the social, economic and public health consequences of this near total meltdown of normal life — schools and businesses closed, gatherings banned — will be long lasting and calamitous, possibly graver than the direct toll of the virus itself. The stock market will bounce back in time, but many businesses never will. The unemployment, impoverishment and despair likely to result will be public health scourges of the first order.

Worse, I fear our efforts will do little to contain the virus, because we have a resource-constrained, fragmented, perennially underfunded public health system. Distributing such limited resources so widely, so shallowly and so haphazardly is a formula for failure. How certain are you of the best ways to protect your most vulnerable loved ones? How readily can you get tested?

We have already failed to respond as decisively as China or South Korea, and lack the means to respond like Singapore. We are following in Italy’s wake, at risk of seeing our medical system overwhelmed twice: First when people rush to get tested for the coronavirus, and again when the especially vulnerable succumb to severe infection and require hospital beds.

Yes, in more and more places we are limiting gatherings uniformly, a tactic I call “horizontal interdiction” — when containment policies are applied to the entire population without consideration of their risk for severe infection.

But as the work force is laid off en masse (our family has one adult child home for that reason already), and colleges close (we have another two young adults back home for this reason), young people of indeterminate infectious status are being sent home to huddle with their families nationwide. And because we lack widespread testing, they may be carrying the virus and transmitting it to their 50-something parents, and 70- or 80-something grandparents. If there are any clear guidelines for behavior within families — what I call “vertical interdiction” — I have not seen them.

Such is the collateral damage of this diffuse form of warfare, aimed at “flattening” the epidemic curve generally rather than preferentially protecting the especially vulnerable. I believe we may be ineffectively fighting the contagion even as we are causing economic collapse.

There is another and much overlooked liability in this approach. If we succeed in slowing the spread of coronavirus from torrent to trickle, then when does the society-wide disruption end? When will it be safe for healthy children and younger teachers to return to school, much less older teachers and teachers with chronic illnesses? When will it be safe for the work force to repopulate the workplace, given that some are in the at-risk group for severe infection?

When would it be safe to visit loved ones in nursing homes or hospitals? When once again might grandparents pick up their grandchildren?

There are many possible answers, but the most likely one is: We just don’t know. We could wait until there’s an effective treatment, a vaccine or transmission rates fall to undetectable levels. But what if those are a year or more away? Then we suffer the full extent of societal disruption the virus might cause for all those months. The costs, not just in money, are staggering to contemplate.

So what is the alternative? Well, we could focus our resources on testing and protecting, in every way possible, all those people the data indicate are especially vulnerable to severe infection: the elderly, people with chronic diseases and the immunologically compromised. Those that test positive could be the first to receive the first approved antivirals. The majority, testing negative, could benefit from every resource we have to shield them from exposure.

To be sure, while mortality is highly concentrated in a select groups, it does not stop there. There are poignant, heart-rending tales of severe infection and death from Covid-19 in younger people for reasons we do not know. If we found over time that younger people were also especially vulnerable to the virus, we could expand the at-risk category and extend protections to them.

We have already identified many of the especially vulnerable. A detailed list of criteria could be generated by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, updated daily and circulated widely to health professionals and the public alike. The at-risk population is already subject to the protections of our current policies: social distancing, medical attention for fever or cough. But there are several major problems with subsuming the especially vulnerable within the policies now applied to all.

First, the medical system is being overwhelmed by those in the lower-risk group seeking its resources, limiting its capacity to direct them to those at greatest need. Second, health professionals are burdened not just with work demands, but also with family demands as schools, colleges and businesses are shuttered. Third, sending everyone home to huddle together increases mingling across generations that will expose the most vulnerable.

As the virus is already circulating widely in the United States, with many cases going undetected, this is like sending innumerable lit matches into small patches of tinder. Right now, it is harder, not easier, to keep the especially vulnerable isolated from all others — including members of their own families — who may have been exposed to the virus.

If we were to focus on the especially vulnerable, there would be resources to keep them at home, provide them with needed services and coronavirus testing, and direct our medical system to their early care. I would favor proactive rather than reactive testing in this group, and early use of the most promising anti-viral drugs. This cannot be done under current policies, as we spread our relatively few test kits across the expanse of a whole population, made all the more anxious because society has shut down.

This focus on a much smaller portion of the population would allow most of society to return to life as usual and perhaps prevent vast segments of the economy from collapsing. Healthy children could return to school and healthy adults go back to their jobs. Theaters and restaurants could reopen, though we might be wise to avoid very large social gatherings like stadium sporting events and concerts.

So long as we were protecting the truly vulnerable, a sense of calm could be restored to society. Just as important, society as a whole could develop natural herd immunity to the virus. The vast majority of people would develop mild coronavirus infections, while medical resources could focus on those who fell critically ill. Once the wider population had been exposed and, if infected, had recovered and gained natural immunity, the risk to the most vulnerable would fall dramatically.

A pivot right now from trying to protect all people to focusing on the most vulnerable remains entirely plausible. With each passing day, however, it becomes more difficult. The path we are on may well lead to uncontained viral contagion and monumental collateral damage to our society and economy. A more surgical approach is what we need

Wednesday, March 20, 2019

TRUMP AND NARCISSISM



          Narcissistic Personality Disorder (NPD) involves a distorted self -image. It is considered a mental problem requiring psychiatric treatment. According to the U.S. National Library of Medicine, people with NPD have an excessive sense of self-importance, an intense preoccupation with themselves, and a lack of empathy for others. People often describe someone with NPD as cocky, manipulative, selfish, patronizing, arrogant, domineering, needing admiration, exploitative, and demanding.

          Citizens of the United States have a clear example of the narcissistic personality in the person of their President, Donald Trump. I believe that one example of Trump’s narcissism it his treatment of his wife. Most men entering a building will let their wives go ahead of them. Trump gets out of a car and walks ahead without waiting for his wife.

Former Director of the FBI, James Comey, argues that Trump does not make decisions on the basis of philosophical, religious, or logical considerations, but simply to assuage the deficiencies of his own character and emotional makeup. "His only reference point is internal -- 'what will bring me what I need, what will fill this hole in me -- get me the affirmation I crave' -- that is deeply concerning,"

        Professor Sander Thomaes, a developmental psychologist at Utrecht University, says of Donald Trump: "I often use him during my classes. My research is primarily focused on narcissism. There is no better example than Trump. He is a prototypical narcissist." Thomaes describes some characteristics of a classical narcissist;  grandiose self-image, a very inflated ego, continuous need for attention, a big urge to be admired, and if that admiration is lacking or the narcissist is criticized, which is even worse, he lashes out recklessly.

          How could so many people support such a narcissist? Psychologists say that Trump’s narcissism in actually one factor in his appeal to his supporters. In Psychology Today, Dr. Joseph Burgo writes that: “The rise of Donald Trump thus marks the fusion of populism and narcissism. In times of enormous demographic shift and economic uncertainty, populism exerts a strong appeal for the anxious voter. Populist messages rely on simplistic answers to complex problems and promote an us-versus-them warfare mentality. Like Mr. Trump, populists engaged in battle have traditionally ridiculed their opposition. In his narcissistic endeavor to prove himself a winner at the expense of all those ‘losers’, Trump relies on righteous indignation, blame, and contempt as weapons of war. Many disaffected voters are drawn to him precisely because of those traits and not in spite of them.”

There is, of course, considerable danger in having a narcissistic president. As a narcissist, Trump feels that he can rely entirely on his own judgment even though he is surrounded by highly educated experts on every subject. Trump seems to resent educated aides and cabinet members. He gets rid of them as soon as he can. He believes that he is the best judge of any issue coming before him. He got rid of his intellectual National Security Advisor H.R. McMaster, for the obvious reason that McMaster, a PhD former General, was far more educated than his Boss. He got rid of Secretary of Defense, Rex Tillerson, who called him a “Moron.” He has canned other qualified aides for the same reason.

More than 60,000 mental health professionals have signed a petition, which states: “We, the undersigned mental health professionals, believe in our professional judgment that Donald Trump manifests a serious mental illness that renders him psychologically incapable of competently discharging the duties of President of the United States. And we respectfully request he be removed from office.” 

Trump’s aides are well aware of his narcissism and other mental problems, but they cannot speak openly about them. But someone close to the White House, George Conway, husband of White House spokesperson and advisor Kellyanne Conway, feels free to tell the truth. He says    "Have we ever seen this degree of brazen, pathological mendacity in American public life? …..Whether or not impeachment is in order, a serious inquiry needs to be made about this man's condition of mind."

Trump is known to have dangerous policies put into documents for him to sign. Several of his former aides claim that they had to remove some of such documents from Trump’s desk before he signed them because of the rashness and danger embodied in them. The aides who were most likely to have done that are all gone now. One wonders what documents they were referring to. Will we have to endure a nuclear war with North Korea because of Trump’s narcissism?


Friday, September 14, 2018

TRUMP AS MOB BOSS



           The Daily Beast reported that in an interview with ABC's George Stephanopoulos former FBI Director James Comey called President Donald Trump “a mob boss” and left everyone present in the room “stunned.” This did not stun me at all. Before he (somehow) became president, Trump was a big-time real estate developer in New York. It is not hard to imagine that Trump had frequent dealings with the Mob in New York—the real organized Mob—and that perhaps was a sort of capo himself.
I was reminded of this when I read an article in The New Yorker Magazine about John Feeley, former Ambassador to Panama, who resigned because he could no longer support the policies of Donald Trump. The article described Feeley’s first visit to the Oval Office to advise the president about matters in Panama. As Feeley took a seat, Trump asked “So tell me, what do we get from Panama? What’s in it for us?” Feeley described the many benefits we get from Panama, and when he finished, Trump chuckled and said, “Who knew?” Trump then turned the conversation into questions he had about a hotel he owned in Panama. To me this sounds like the behavior of a Mob Boss.
Comey, who was Director of the FBI from 2013 until his dismissal by Trump in May 2017, and was the U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York from January 2002 to December 2003, and subsequently the United States Deputy Attorney General from December 2003 to August 2005, would not use the words “Mob Boss” lightly. I’m sure that as a leading law enforcement officer he would be very familiar with the behavior of mob bosses. They are not like the character on the Godfather in Pizza commercials. They are a sinister bunch of thugs who have historically controlled unions and construction companies in the New York real estate development industry. It is hard to imagine that Trump could have run his real estate business without dealing with and placating the mob.
PolitiFact reports that La Cosa Nostra had a virtual monopoly on concrete in New York at the time Trump was adding his name to its skyline in the 1980s. And the Mafia’s control over building supplies and labor unions meant that the crime families had a hand in most construction projects in Manhattan. Trump and other major developers “had to adapt to that situation or build elsewhere,” said James B. Jacobs, a mafia expert. “That was the fact of life, that was the way it was,” he told PolitiFact. “The contractors and developers weren’t pure victims. You could bribe the mob-controlled union leaders and get relief from the more arduous conflicts. But we had no information that Trump was any different.”  
According to Fortune, Trump was first tied to the mafia in the 1980s, when a $7.8 million subcontract for Trump Plaza was awarded to S&A Concrete. That company was partially owned by Anthony “Fat Tony” Salerno, the boss of the Genovese crime family. Trump himself acknowledged as much in a December 2015 interview with the Wall Street Journal, admitting that S&A Concrete was “supposedly associated with the mob.” “Virtually every building that was built was built with these companies,” he said, adding, “These guys were excellent contractors. They were phenomenal. They could do three floors a week in concrete. Nobody else in the world could do three floors a week. I mean they were unbelievable. Trump Tower, other buildings.” When Salerno was indicted in 1986, the charges specifically mentioned Trump Plaza. 
Trump World Tower, supported by the Quadrozzi Concrete Company, is also related to La Cosa Nostra. The head of the company, John Quadrozzi Sr., was tied to the Lucchese crime family and indicted for making illegal payoffs to the mob in 1992.
Trump’s alleged mob dealings were not confined to New York. According to reports from the Huffington Post and the Philadelphia Inquirer Trump made a deal in Atlantic City with Kenneth Shapiro, an associate of mob boss Nicky Scarfo, and mob-connected labor boss Daniel Sullivan. Trump was aware of this, calling Shapiro "a third-rate, local real estate Mafia" and Sullivan "the guy who killed Jimmy Hoffa." Nonetheless, in 1981, Trump leased a portion of the land for Trump Plaza and Casino from a company the two men controlled, according a report by New Jersey gaming regulators.
There are many other facts about Trump’s dealings with the Mafia. Just look at the report online by PolitiFact. As the above article in The New Yorker shows, Trump’s behavior is not like that of a distinguished Head of State. It is the behavior of a mob boss.
I believe that this explains many things about Donald Trump. Several people have accused Trump of being amoral or immoral. They note that he doesn't seem to have compassion or decency. That's the kind of character you would expect from a Mafia type. They have been willing to execute people who disagree with them. In order to reach the top they must show no emotion about whacking somebody. Trump has that king of character.
There many other accusations one could make about Trump. He wants to get the Nobel Prize for his dealings with North Korea. But the Nobel Prize Committee should note not only his immorality, ruthlessness, bigotry, egotism, mendacity, hypocrisy, cruelty, and megalomania, but also his sleazy dealings with the underworld.

Wednesday, August 1, 2018

WHY DO THEY LOVE TRUMP




            Why do they love him? Let me count the ways. They love him to the depth, and breadth, and height the mind can reach because he has promised to return the White Race to preeminence in America. Of all the reasons why Trump supporters love their guy, this is the biggest. When he proclaimed that the Latin-American immigrants were rapists and criminals, right-wing Republicans perked-up their ears and thought “I love this guy.” When he said that some of the Neo-Nazis, KKK, and White Supremacists in Charlottesville were “Very fine people” they loved it. When he lambasted Black football players for kneeling during the National Anthem, they cheered.  Hillary Clinton called many of the Trump supporters “Deplorables.” I call them bigots.
            These people have heard or read that eventually white people will become a minority in America. This really scares them. They are frightened that people of color will become a majority and that they will take places with whites. Trump has not-so-subtly argued that he will prevent that.
            Some years ago when I was talking with a group of young Republicans, they asked me why I was a Democrat. I told them that I had been brought-up as a Republican but that I was converted to the Democratic party by John Kennedy. I said that Kennedy was the first president to forcefully oppose racial segregation in America. They looked blankly at me and said “So?” To them that was hardly a reason to switch from Republican to Democrat. They did not feel anything for the terrible prejudice faced by African Americans in the 1960s. Those were the days of Jim Crow, lynchings, burnings, hangings, and separation of the races, particularly in schools and throughout the South. They were unconcerned about the suffering of Blacks from official and unofficial bigotry in both the North and the South.
            While subsequent presidents have opposed racial discrimination, the first African American president brought the issue to the forefront, and apparently that outraged the Republicans who continue to despise Blacks. They had never imagined that a Black man could become president. They considered African Americans a inferior race and assumed that one could never assume the presidency. They found themselves voting for Donald Trump, a New York real estate developer who made it clear that he did not support the rights of minorities.
            The second great reason for the love Trump supporters have for their president is partially connected to the first. The great outpouring of care and concern for the rights of African Americans during the past seventy years has been by political liberals. Although liberals have been found in both parties, after the presidency of John Kennedy they began to drift toward the Democratic Party. Likewise, the conservatives drifted into the Republican Party.
Liberals tend to be better educated and more affluent than Republicans. A look at post-electoral maps indicate that less prosperous parts of America, such as Southern states and farm states, were the places most strongly for Donald Trump. He won North-Eastern states like Wisconsin and Ohio because the less-educated blue-collar voters, who were previously Democrat voters, strongly supported Trump. Those voters liked it that Trump seemed to be sticking a thumb into the eyes of the “Elites.” They appreciated that Trump attacked political correctness. Those people resented the elites because they perceived that the elites looked down on the less educated and less privileged working class Americans. They perceived that Hillary Clinton was an elite.
A third reason why Trump has so many supporters is that a very large group of people consider abortion the most important issue in America. There is, of course, an overlap with the people described above, but anti-abortionists are probably the most avid Trump supporters because he has signaled his opposition to abortion and his intent to appoint anti-abortion justices to the Supreme Court.
Many liberals contend that the war against aborting is really a war against the rights of women. Demographics indicate that the strongest group against former president Obama was white men. Likewise, white women were among his strongest supporters. Many liberals feel that the effort to stop abortion is part of the effort to get women barefoot and back in the kitchen. Many men and some women resent the highly educated career-oriented women.
The evangelical crowd overlaps with the anti-abortionists and could be considered the fourth large group of devoted Trump supporters. They are also anti-abortion, but their concerns go beyond abortion. They strongly oppose modern feminism, and can quote for the Bible Paul’s instructions for wives to be subservient to their husbands. Evangelicals believe that all of the problems in America are being caused by the absence of religion. They believe America was founded as a Christian nation and that other religions should not have the same rights as Christians under the First Amendment. They want to be able to practice Christianity in public places. They have been sharply restricted by the courts in their public profession of faith. They want prayer in the schools, but the Supreme Court has declared such prayers unconstitutional. Trump has spoken-up for their concerns and they look to him to support their desire to cram Christianity down the throats of all Americans.
These Trump supporters do not care whether Trump has the skill or ability to be a good president. They do not care if he is in cahoots with Vladimir Putin, or if he was taken-in by Kim Jong Un. They do not care if he lies repeatedly, or if he demonstrates ignorance of important facts. They do not care that he is a bully. They do not care that he is egotistical, paranoid, megalomaniacal, and mean spirited. They do not care that he had illicit affairs with a porn star and a former Playboy Bunny, lied about them, and had the women paid-off. They do not care that Trump has fired most of his original cabinet and staff members and taken on right-wing extremists in their place. They care about the issues described above.